Openness relates to COVID-19 vaccination rates across 48 United States but politics Trump personality

Does geographic variation in personality across the United States relate to COVID-19 vaccination rates? To answer this question, we combined multiple state-level datasets: (a) Big Five personality averages (i.e., extraversion, agreeableness, conscientiousness, neuroticism, and openness;Rentfrow et al., 2008), (b) COVID-19 full-vaccination rates (CDC, 2021a), (c) health-relevant demographic covariates (population density, per capita gross domestic product, and racial/ethnic data;Webster et al., 2021), and (d) political and religiosity data. Analyses showed openness as the strongest correlate of full-vaccination rates (r = 0.51). Controlling for other traits, demographic covariates, and spatial dependence, openness remained significantly related to full-vaccination rates (r(p) = 0.55). Adding political and religiosity data to this model diminished openness effects for full-vaccination rates to non-significance (r(p) = 0.26);however, extraversion emerged as a significant correlate of full-vaccination rates (r(p) = 0.37). Although politics are paramount, we suspect that states with higher average openness scores are more conducive to novel thinking and behavior-dispositions that may be crucial in motivating people to take newly-developed vaccines based on new technologies to confront a novel coronavirus.

Healthy citizens, healthy democracies? A review of the literature

A growing literature over the past 10 years on health and political behavior has established health status as an important source of political inequality. Poor health reduces psychological engagement with politics and discourages political activity. This lowers incentives for governments to respond to the needs of those experiencing ill health and thereby perpetuates health disparities. In this review article, we provide a critical synthesis of the state of knowledge on the links between different aspects of health and political behavior. We also discuss the challenges confronting this research agenda, particularly with respect to measurement, theory, and establishing causality, along with suggestions for advancing the field. With the COVID-19 pandemic casting health disparities into sharp focus, understanding the sources of health biases in the political process, as well as their implications, is an important task that can bring us closer to the ideals of inclusive democracy.

Awareness of COVID-19 at the Local Level: Perceptions and Political Consequences.

CONTEXT: While the COVID-19 pandemic has affected all Americans, the effects have not been equally distributed across geographic areas. These variations in the pandemic's severity-and public perceptions thereof-likely have political consequences. In this study, we examine the factors that shape perceptions of COVID-19 at the local level and assess the consequences of these perceptions for public opinion and political behaviors. METHODS: Using questions from the 2020 Cooperative Election Study (CES) linked with county-level COVID-19 rates, we examine predictors of respondents' perceptions of the severity of the pandemic in their county, including demographic, political, and informational characteristics. We also examine whether these perceptions are associated with public opinion and voter behavior. FINDINGS: Respondents' perceptions are correlated with actual case rates, although liberals and Democrats estimate the pandemic as more severe than Republicans and conservatives, as do CNN viewers compared to Fox News viewers. We found only limited evidence of a relationship between perceptions of the pandemic in a respondent's county and political outcomes. CONCLUSIONS: Results add to accumulating evidence that both news media and political predispositions shape perceptions of COVID-19, but raise important questions about whether and how the pandemic has shaped, and will continue to shape, political outcomes.

How Anti-Social Personality Traits and Anti-Establishment Views Promote Beliefs in Election Fraud, QAnon, and COVID-19 Conspiracy Theories and Misinformation

Conspiracy theories and misinformation (CTM) became a salient feature of the Trump era. However, traditional explanations of political attitudes and behaviors inadequately account for beliefs in CTM or the deleterious behaviors they are associated with. Here, we integrate disparate literatures to explain beliefs in CTM regarding COVID-19, QAnon, and voter fraud. We aim to provide a more holistic accounting, and to determine which political, psychological, and social factors are most associated with such beliefs. Using a unique national survey, we find that anti-social personality traits, anti-establishment orientations, and support for Donald Trump are more strongly related to beliefs in CTM than traditional left-right orientations or other frequently posited factors, such as education, science literacy, and social media use. Our findings encourage researchers to move beyond the traditional correlates of political behavior when examining beliefs that express anti-social tendencies or a deep skepticism of social and political institutions.

Health Risks and Voting: Emphasizing Safety Measures Taken to Prevent COVID-19 Does Not Increase Willingness to Vote in Person

The COVID-19 pandemic made salient the risks posed by an infectious disease at a polling place. To what degree did such health risks, as with other changes to voting costs, affect the willingness to vote in person? Could highlighting safety measures reduce the association between COVID fears and unwillingness to vote in person? Using both a representative survey of Connecticut voters and a survey experiment, we examine whether concerns about health diminish willingness to vote in person. We find correlational evidence that those who are more worried about COVID-19 are less likely to report they will vote in person, even when considering risk mitigation efforts. We then present causal evidence that mentioning the safety measures being taken does little to offset the negative effect of priming COVID-19 risk on willingness to vote in person. These results contribute to a growing literature that assesses how health risks affect in person voting. [ FROM AUTHOR] Copyright of American Politics Research is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full . (Copyright applies to all s.)

The Unequal Effects of the COVID-19 Pandemic on Political Interest Representation.

The COVID-19 pandemic is viewed by many as the biggest global crisis since WWII and had profound effects on the daily lives of people and decision-making worldwide. Using the pandemic as a system-wide agenda shock, we employ a difference-in-differences design to estimate its causal effects on inequalities in political access, and social media prominence among business interests and NGOs. Our argument is twofold. First, the urgency and uncertainty of crises incentivized decision-makers to privilege providing access to business groups over securing inclusivity in the types of interests consulted. Second, NGOs compensated by increasing prominence in public communications. Our analysis of data from over 10,000 interest groups from over 100 countries registered in the European Union supports these hypotheses. Business interests successfully capitalized on the crisis in insider access, while NGOs increased prominence on social media. The results have wider implications for understanding how large-scale crises affect inequalities in representation. Supplementary Information: The online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1007/s11109-022-09842-x.

Risk and demand for social protection in an era of populism

Economic and health crises have profound political consequences for public support for social policy, historically setting in motion a massive expansion of governmental programs. Is demand for social protection likely to increase among citizens exposed to risk in an era in which populist messages are prominent? We show that this depends critically on the precise targets that populists evoke as enemies of the people. We distinguish between two types of political rhetoric deployed by populist politicians in their claims to represent the authentic people-one opposing the authority of domestic elites, including technocrats, and one attacking foreigners. We examine the extent to which each rhetorical strategy reduces or enhances popular demand for social policies by randomly exposing Americans to these frames as part of a public opinion survey conducted during the Covid-19 pandemic. Our results show that the two messages have different consequences for support for redistribution among respondents exposed to risk: populist anti-foreign rhetoric that blames foreign countries for the onset of the pandemic increases demand for expansion of social protection compared to populist anti-elite rhetoric.

Post-democratizing Politics in Southeast and Northeast Asia

A growing global trend towards authoritarianism has left democracy, especially its liberal form, under strain. This has occurred despite earlier promises of democratization between the end of the Cold War and the early twenty-first century. Our essay examines how the dynamics of post-democratization politics have played out across several polities in Southeast and Northeast Asia. These regions once included supposed "third wave" democracies and polities apparently on the cusp of political liberalization. Such expectations have not panned out. Instead, the region has generally witnessed either significant authoritarian resilience or autocratic resurgence following spurts of political openness. We examine how such autocratic dynamics have played out following earlier movements toward democratization. Specifically, we identify three key elements of postdemocratization politics associated with autocratic success and democratic robustness based on contributions to this special issue, and suggest pathways through which they can affect political outcomes. Dominant beliefs can prime accommodation with authoritarianism given pervasive acceptance of state-driven ideologies while identification with liberal values can drive democratic consolidation and resistance to autocracy, regardless of wealth and education. Ostensibly democratic institutions, such as constitutional courts, can become anti-democratic instruments when the exercise of their independent prerogatives means upholding autocratic tendencies that align with their interests and outlooks. Agents and their decisions can both prompt and stymie autocratization, whether intentionally or inadvertently;strategies to consolidate authority can fracture even dominant ruling coalitions. Examining the role ideas, institutions, and agents play in post-democratic politics can further efforts at understanding the current authoritarian wave and its limits.

Até tu, prefeito! Sobre quando as redes sociais on-line chegam às eleições municipais

No Brasil as disputas municipais cumprem o papel de eleições de meio termo, pois elas permitem antecipar as tendências do eleitorado para as candidaturas nacionais seguintes. Porém, a dinâmica das campanhas locais tem como especificidade a indicação de um tipo de relação e comportamento político próprio das disputas municipais. A proximidade entre candidatos e eleitores é um delimitador de comportamentos em disputas locais. No entanto, as redes sociais on-line perpassam todas as dimensões das relações políticas e eleitorais. O objetivo do artigo é analisar o uso do Twitter pelos candidatos a prefeito de todas as capitais brasileiras em 2020. A pergunta que move o trabalho é "existe algum padrão no conteúdo compartilhado pelos(as) candidatos(a) a prefeito(a) das capitais em 2020?". Busca-se identificar possíveis padrões léxicos por posição ideológica, tipo de candidato - se incumbente ou desafiante - e região do país. Também se pretende verificar a presença da temática da Covid-19 nas manifestações dos(as) candidatos(as). Para tanto, será utilizada a técnica de Análise Léxica Automatizada de conteúdo. Os resultados mostram que, entre os tweets classificados, cerca de 60% tratavam da campanha, enquanto apenas 25% diziam respeito a políticas públicas. No entanto, entre os candidatos eleitos, concentrou-se a maior parte dos textos classificados como política pública.Alternate :In Brazil, municipal elections play the role of mid-term disputes, as they allow for anticipating the electoratés tendencies for the following national elections. HOwwever, the specificity of the dynamics of local campaigns is the appointment of a type of relationship and political behavior typical of municipal disputes. The proximity between candidates and voters is a delimiter of behavior in local disputes. Online social networks are in all dimensions of political and electoral relations. The objective of the article is to analyze the use of Twitter by candidates for mayor in 2020? It seeks to identify possible lexical patterns by ideological position, type of candidate - incumbent or challenger - and region. It is also intended to verify the presence of the covid-19 theme in the candidatés tweets. For that, the Automated Lexical Content Analysis technique will be used. The results show that, among classified tweets, about 60%. However, among the elected candidates, most of the texts classified as public policy were concentrated.

50 YEARS OF ENGENDERING WOMEN IN BANGLADESH'S POLITICS: PROGRESS OR PARADOX?

The paper seeks to evaluate women's political participation at the 50th anniversary of Bangladesh which emerged in 1971 as an independent country. The country has recorded notable development indicators in these years. Among such indicators, the example of two women holding the topmost positions in politics has often resulted in a misconstrued notion, implying that all women have a fair and just role in the country's politics. This study argues that stark societal contradictions seriously threaten women's political roles, participation and empowerment at all stage, as members of political parties, as elected representatives of the people and more significantly as voters. The research attempts to address the following questions: What are the roadblocks hindering women's political engagement at all the above-mentioned stages? What measures has the government adopted for increasing women's low representation in politics? What forward-looking strategies have been employed for enhancing women's participation in public life? The findings show that a lot has yet to be achieved because women's subordinated position in politics may be a result of low political institutionalisation and patriarchy, both in public and private spheres.

Affective partisan polarization and moral dilemmas during the COVID-19 pandemic

Recent scholarship on affective polarization documents partisan animosity in people's everyday lives. But does partisan dislike go so far as to deny fundamental rights? We study this question through a moral dilemma that gained notoriety during the COVID-19 pandemic: triage decisions on the allocation of intensive medical care. Using a conjoint experiment in five countries we analyze the influence of patients' partisanship next to commonly discussed factors determining access to intensive medical care. We find that while participants' choices are consistent with a utilitarian heuristic, revealed partisanship influences decisions across most countries. Supporters of left or right political camps are more likely to withhold support from partisan opponents. Our findings offer comparative evidence on affective polarization in non-political contexts.

Informalities: An Index Approach to Informal Work and Its Consequences

[...]governments took new steps to include labor market outsiders in social programs. [...]new forms of participation and organizing emerged. Political scientists thus switched from analyzing informality as a dependent variable to thinking about how informality influenced a range of political outcomes—social policy, elections, organizing, enforcement and regulatory policy, and most recently, public health (Blofield et al. 2021;Hummel 2021;Moncada 2021). In studying such a broad range of political behaviors, informal sector workers are similarly defined in a general way, as salaried or self-employed workers who are not enrolled in social security (Baker and Velasco Guachalla 2018, 173).

« I Alone Can Fix It » Les conséquences de l'hostilité de Donald Trump envers l'expertise sur la politique étrangère des États-Unis

Donald Trump a transgressé de nombreuses normes présidentielles, dont celle de la prépondérance de l'expertise dans la formulation et la mise en oeuvre de la politique étrangère des États-Unis. Alors que ses prédécesseurs ont fait preuve d'une méfiance relative envers l'expertise de l'appareil de sécurité nationale, Trump a pleinement assumé son hostilité à l'égard de ces institutions et de leurs experts. Cet article propose une analyse des trois principales conséquences de cette hostilité : fausse tension entre loyauté et compétence dans le choix des conseillers ;priorisation des gains symboliques et sous-utilisation des ressources organisationnelles qui ont nui à la mise en oeuvre de la politique étrangère et à la pérennité des changements instaurés ;et gestion de crise défaillante (COVID-19).Alternate :Donald Trump broke many presidential norms, including the preponderance of expertise in the formulation and implementation of u.s. foreign policy. While his predecessors have shown a relative distrust towards the national security apparatus's expertise, Trump has fully embraced his hostility towards these institutions and their experts. This article analyzes the three main consequences of this hostility : false loyalty-competence tension in the selection of advisors;prioritization of symbolic gains and underutilization of organizational resources that have jeopardized the implementation of foreign policy and the sustainability of instituted changes;and flawed crisis management (COVID-19).

IMPERATIVE POLITICAL BEHAVIOUR FOR EFFECTIVE INCAPACITATION OF PANDEMICS (COVID-19) IN AFRICA: OVERVIEW OF PRIMARY HEALTHCARE IN NIGERIAN CONTEXT

The role that primary health care (PHC) and primary healthcare systems (PHC-S) ought to play to effectively mitigate pandemics such as the COVID-19 in the African continent is examined. Given the veracity of pandemics (i.e. coronavirus) on African communities located within local government domains which manifestly portray the nature of PHC-S, the examination ofprimary care of the continent becomes imperative. Available evidence suggests that PHC in Africa is under-funded, underdeveloped, dysfunctional as well as often disregarded in the overall scheme of public investment in the health sector policy matrix. These findings derive from qualitative meta-analysis of literatures on primary care in Nigerian context, of which the observations are the basis of generalization for the African continent. Hence, a key goal of the paper is to describe the character of PHC-S of Africa, outlining how it constitutes hindrance to PHC 's effective contribution to overcome pandemics like COVID-19, and thereby help to suggest reform measures necessary for African PHC-S to meaningfully support the overpowering of any healthiness epidemic such as coronavirus and every other reviving and future pandemic.

E-participation decision across different channels

Purpose>This study focuses on understanding how channel features can affect people's intention to continue to use an electronic channel in public affairs and their recommendation behaviors. Specifically, three different channels are focused on: email, microblogs and online meetings.Design/methodology/approach>A research model on an e-participation channel based on the channel-disposition framework was developed and an online survey was conducted to collect data from 397 individuals who used three e-participation channels to validate seven hypotheses.Findings>The study found that information quality, channel interaction quality and the social appearance of other citizens all had a significant impact on users' intention to continue to use an electronic channel, which, in turn, affected their recommendation behaviors. However, the impact differed across the three e-participation channels. Information quality had a stronger impact on microblog and online meeting users' intention to continue to use these channels than on email users' intention to continue using email to participate in public affairs. Channel interaction quality had a stronger impact on email users' intention to continue to use email than on microblog and online meeting users' intention to continue to use these channels in public affairs.Originality/value>This study helps better explain how various channels and their features can affect participants' use intentions and behaviors in e-participation. It also provides practical guidance for government to better manage e-participation channels and effectively engage citizens in public affairs.

Protest Activity of Modern Youth in the Context of Institutionalization of Digital Policy

Introduction. The article is devoted to identifying and interpreting the reasons and forms of protest activity of representatives of the youth cohort in the context of the institutionalization of modern digital society and digital policy. The common and specific features of the protest activity of Russian and foreign youth in the context of the content and level of their digital culture are characterized. The attention is focused on the dominant trends in the transformation of the practices of protest behavior in online and offline formats, taking into account the restrictive measures caused by the spread of COVID-19. Methods. The work was prepared within the framework of political science discourse using modern scientific theories and concepts. The authors rely on the main provisions of the activity-activist approach (A. Giddens, V. Yadov), the concept of “traumatic changes” (P. Sztompka) and “network society” (M. Castells). At the same time, the characterization of digital transformations and innovations (society, politics, culture) is carried out in the context of the ideas of “digital counterculture” (C. Gere), domestic researchers analyzing the consumer behavior of youth in the digital environment (T. Beregovskaya, S. Grishaeva). The work uses theoretical and empirical methods for analyzing the results obtained by leading domestic and foreign research centers, as well as with the direct participation of the authors in the implementation of grant activities. Results. An attempt is made to conduct political science analysis of the modern approaches to understanding the phenomenon of youth protest activity, its dominant forms in the context of the institutionalization of digital policy and the transformation of value orientations in the new structure of “digital culture”. The relationship between the protest activity of representatives of domestic and foreign youth, the practices of their destructive/constructive protest behavior using digital technologies in order to legitimize/ delegitimize the political regime is traced. Highlighted the real and potential resources of the authorities and administration, civil society institutions to minimize destructive factors that contribute to the strengthening of protest (civil, political, etc.) activity of various groups of young people in the context of the spread of the global pandemic. The results of theoretical and empirical studies that reveal the regional specifics of institutional forms of protest activity in modern Russia are interpreted. Discussion. The question of the forms and technologies of transformation of protest activity, taking into account the substantive characteristics of the digital culture of youth, its inclusion in the system for ensuring the stable and safe development of the Russian Federation, remains poorly studied. Authors’ contributions. S.A. Pankratov developed the theoretical basis of the research and carried out the general scientific edition of the article. S.I. Morozov analyzed the dominant tendencies of youth protest activity. S.D. Gavrilov interpreted the results of theoretical and empirical studies characterizing the process of institutionalization of digital policy.Alternate : Статья посвящена выявлению и интерпретации причин и форм протестной активности представителей молодежной когорты в условиях институционализации современного цифрового общества и цифровой политики. Характеризуются общие и специфические черты протестной активности российской и зарубежной молодежи в контексте содержания и уровня их цифровой культуры. Авторы опираются на основные положения деятельностно-активистского подхода (Э. Гидденс, В.А. Ядов), концРпции «травматических перемен» (П. Штомпка) и «сетевого общества» (М. Кастельс). При этом характеристика цифровых трансформаций и инноваций (общества, политики, культуры) осуществляется в контексте идей «цифровой контркультуры» (Ч. Гир). Предпринята попытка политологического анализа современных подходов к пониманию феномена протестной активности молодежи, ее доминирующих форм в условиях институционализации цифровой политики и трансформации ценностных ориентаций. Прослежена взаимосвязь между протестной активностью представителей отечественной и зарубежной молодежи, практиками их протестного поведения с использованием цифровых технологий с целью легитимации / делегитимации политического режима. Выделены реальные и потенциальные ресурсы органов власти и управления, институтов гражданского общества по минимизации деструктивных факторов, способствующих усилению протестной (гражданской, политической и др.) активности различных групп молодежи в контексте распространения глобальной пандемии. Вклад авторов. С.А. Панкратов разработал теоретическую базу исследования и осуществил общее научное редактирование статьи. С.И. Морозов проанализировал доминирующие тенденции протестной активности молодежи. С.Д. Гаврилов интерпретировал результаты теоретических и эмпирических исследований, характеризующих процессинституционализации цифровой политики. Ключевые слова: молодежь, протестная активность, цифровая политика, цифровая культура, дестабилизация, политическое поведение, легитимность. Цитирование. Панкратов С. А., Морозов С. И., Гаврилов С. Д. Протестная активность современной молодежи в контексте институционализации цифровой политики // Вестник Волгоградского государственного университета. Серия 4, История. Регионоведение. Международные отношения. – 2022. – Т. 27, № 1. – С. 213–224. – DOI:

The Challenges of Political Corruption in Australia, the Proposed Commonwealth Integrity Commission Bill (2020) and the Application of the APUNCAC

Political corruption affects each nation-state differently, but the outcomes are nominally the same: a deficit of public trust, weakened government institutions and undermined political systems. This article analyzes issues of political corruption in Australia by framing them within a national integrity ecosystem (NIE) and addressing them against the proposed Commonwealth Integrity Commission (CIC) 2020 bill. It also discusses prevalent ‘grey’ areas of Australian politically-corrupt behavior where they interact with the private sector: the revolving door, political donations, and lobbying;and the state of Australia’s implementation of the OECD Anti-Bribery Convention. This article argues for their inclusion within the mandated scope of the proposed CIC. There is a need for strong legislation, both domestic and international, to fight corruption. This article then discusses the application of the provisions of the draft Anticorruption Protocol to the UN Convention Against Corruption (APUNCAC) that may apply with respect to these ‘grey’ issues, and how an International Anti-Corruption Court may provide another institutional model for Australia to follow. Finally, this article links these proposals to the 2021 UN General Assembly Special Session (UNGASS) on Corruption and the 9th Conference of States Parties on the UNCAC (COSP9). These events illustrate multilateral momentum and progress on anti-corruption. As a country that has historically supported the UN multilateral framework and its institutions, this article recommends a proactive approach for Australia so that the passing of a strong domestic anticorruption initiative will contribute to the adoption, and eventual ratification, of the APUNCAC.

Take a Number: How Citizens’ Encounters with Government Shape Political Engagement Elisabeth Gidengil, Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2020, pp. 248

Take a Number: How Citizens’ Encounters with Government Shape Political Engagement Elisabeth Gidengil, Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2020, pp. 248 Impatiently refreshing a government web portal to get a COVID-19 test result, sitting in on a child's virtual school day, applying for emergency income support—lately, we have all spent a lot of time with our public service providers. Before the publication of Elisabeth Gidengil's latest book, Take a Number: How Citizens’ Encounters with Government Shape Political Engagement, we would have had very little evidence on hand to help us understand the relationship between public service experiences and Canadians’ political views and activities. Alongside these public service reforms, the adoption of artificial intelligence, increasingly ambitious models of data collection and use, and the ever-present influence of corporate technology vendors on government make for a public service landscape in flux and at risk of eroding public confidence in the Canadian welfare state.

Poverty, vulnerability, and the role of responsible management education in a post-COVID world

PurposeThis paper aims to discuss the consequences for responsible management education and learning (RMEL) as an enduring feature of the post-COVID-19 world: increased inequality and increased vulnerable individuals living in poverty. Because of this, responsible management education and learning (RMEL) must integrate poverty as a threshold concept on which students’ cognitive frame is built.Design/methodology/approachThis paper advocates for poverty to be taught as a multidimensional threshold concept that encompasses a person’s freedoms and capabilities, in addition to their income (Sen, 1999). Further, this paper provides a framework for integration into all curricula grounded in RMEL’s unique domain of inquiry and study: the integration of ethics, responsibility and sustainability.FindingsThreshold concepts transform student learning in durable, immutable ways. When poverty is taught as such, students develop more elaborate poverty cognitive frames that they can apply across their entire course of study. This paper describes how to: (1) reframe poverty as a threshold concept;(2) apply Biggs’ (2003) framework of constructive alignment to assure the integrity of course learning objectives and the curriculum;(3) create poverty-related assignments that are emotionally engaging and relevant for students (Dart, 2008);and (4) use this proposed framework of including poverty in business classes.Research limitations/implicationsWithout an integrated multidimensional understanding of poverty, students will not emerge as managers competent in addressing these critical issues from within a business context (Grimm,2020). It will be imperative in future research to evaluate the outcomes of doing so and to determine whether this solution creates responsible managers more competent in addressing poverty-rooted issues.Originality/valueThis paper brings together two elements of student learning central to understanding poverty: threshold concepts and cognitive frames. This paper also uses Biggs’ (2003) constructive alignment framework to assure that curricular and course changes have both internal coherence and explicit learning outcomes.